| American
presidents
Ted
Rudow III,MA (650-814-1077 or Tedr77@aol.com)
As the old saying goes,
about the only thing we ever learn from history is that we never
learn from history. That's certainly held true when it comes to
American presidents and their wars. FDR wanted to get into World
War II so badly that he goaded the Japanese into attacking Pearl
Harbor, and he didn't give the American forces there any warning,
and the result was the carnage inflicted upon America in World War
II, where over a million Americans were killed or wounded. |
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Johnson wanted to attack the
North Vietnamese, so he used this trumped-up incident to gather
the support he needed and the result was 58,000 Americans killed
and 153,000 wounded, not to mention over a million Vietnamese
killed and multitudes wounded, and scores more who are dying today
from unexploded bombs and mines, or from chemicals like Agent
Orange that remain in the soil and the water.
And Bush was itching to
attack Iraq, so he put the mother of all deceptions across on
people with his phony "weapons
of mass destruction" story and the result has been
more than 2,100 Americans killed and 16,000 wounded “so far”
as well as tens of thousands of Iraqis killed or wounded.
So American presidents can
be a very bloodthirsty lot, as well as terrific liars when it
comes to getting their way, while they criticize other world
leaders who commit similar crimes! But the Lord's keeping track of
it all, and one day they'll face the great Judge of the universe
and have to account for their actions, or their war crimes, no
matter how they may try to justify them now.
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| Costa
Rica's Politics of Change [From
Main Page]
In the modern period, Costa Rica has evolved into being the most
peaceful and progressive state among the original five Central
American republics. It also possesses the area’s highest
standard of living and has the healthiest and most literate
population. So its politics must be considered within a context of
affluence and stability that is lacking in much of the hemisphere.
PLN
and Arias
Until 1986, elections were characterized by contests between
Figueres’ PLN and various anti-PLN groups. In 1983, PLN’s
opponents coalesced into the PUSC, and after 1986, PLN and PUSC
dominated the country’s politics, typically receiving the
combined votes of more than 90% of registered voters. In 2002,
however, the populist PAC emerged, and won 14 seats in the
assembly, preventing either major party from holding a legislative
majority. PAC also forced a run-off election for the presidency
for the first time in Costa Rica’s modern political history.
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of Costa Rica
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Of
the two original political parties, PLN traditionally has
presented a left-of-center, social democratic agenda,
which has contributed to producing a welfare state with a
national public health system and an outstanding public
education system. It also became famous for abolishing the
country’s army in 1949. One of its outstanding later
leaders has been Oscar Arias who received the Nobel Peace
Prize for his efforts to end the wars in Central America.
But in recent years the PLN has become essentially
middle-of-the-road and pragmatic. In fact, the 2006
candidate, Arias, has supported the Central American Free
Trade Agreement - Dominican Republic (CAFTA-DR) which has
yet to be ratified by the legislature. |
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The
party also has been disgraced by the scandalous financial
activities of its 1994-1998 President José María Figueres, son
of the country’s revolutionary leader, who is but one of three
recent presidents to allegedly accept bribes from foreign cell
phone providers.
PUSC’s
leader for many years, was Rafael Calderón Fournier, son of
pre-revolutionary leader Rafael Angel Calderón Guardia, who was
also accused of accepting such bribes while he was president from
1990-1994. Although PUSC has been moderately rightwing, and has
tended to represent conservative members of the business and
professional elites, Calderon’s problems with alleged bribes
from foreign cell phone providers, and the recent similar
activities of PUSC president Miguel Angel Rodríguez, who followed
Figueres in office, undercut Calderon’s influence in PUSC and
severely damaged the party’s political future.
The
Electoral Process
Because
the political agendas of the PUSC and the PLN have drifted
relatively close to each other, they have opened themselves to be
challenged by more populist elements in the country, a growing
trend of the 21st Century. In 2001, PAC was formed by Ottón Solís,
an ex-PLN deputy and former minister of planning during Arias’
first term, in order to challenge the “ideological centrism”
of the two parties with a “third force.” Backed by a number of
former PLN and PUSC leaders, he presented a plan emphasizing
popular participation in government, public ethics and
transparency, opposition to neo-liberal economic reforms, and
governmental guarantees to ensure social mobility and poverty
reduction. However, Solís was a candidate ahead of his time, and
he was soundly defeated in the 2002 elections. Nevertheless, his
new party won 14 seats in the assembly, thereby undermining PUSC
President Abel Pacheco’s efforts to enact legislation. Then, in
2006, national politics were drastically changed when PAC became
the country’s second most popular party, while PUSC poorly
ranked fourth.
Political
issues were more clearly presented this year than in previous
campaigns. The commonly heard term “voto
útil,” meaning “useful vote,” was said to
symbolize the voter’s faith in their role in the electoral
process to stimulate change. In other words, instead of simply
adhering to one’s old biases or supporting family traditions,
many voters now voted “with their heads.” The leading issue
appears to have been CAFTA-DR, backed by PLN and its candidate, in
contrast to the PAC and its candidate calling for a re-negotiation
of the agreement. Another related issue was the role of the United
States in its efforts to impose the so-called “Washington
consensus,” with its structural adjustment policies, free trade,
and emphasis on exports. Solís called for changes in these
policies, which, according to many critics have done little to
reduce the 20% poverty rate that is now at its highest level since
1994. Furthermore the issue of corruption associated with the
three past presidents tainted both leading parties.
Electoral
Issues
Candidate
Solís conducted an intense campaign in which he held a series of
face to face discussion meetings with voters (23 in January
alone). Holding a doctorate in economics, Solís was quite at ease
with discussions of economic issues. Many of his ideas were summed
up in his statement that ”the middle class is bordering on
poverty and the poor are at the point of misery….Something bad
is happening in Costa Rica: much wealth is produced, but few
benefit.”
Candidate
Arias ran a more haughty campaign, and refused to debate his chief
opponent in the month before the elections. His campaign platform
was based on a “si se
puede” (yes we can) approach filled with
positive proposals. But he also advocated increasing both taxes
and social spending, while promising macroeconomic discipline. He
strongly supported CAFTA-DR and maintained that by accepting the
agreement, Costa Rica can become the first “developed” country
in Latin America. He denied that he was a neo-liberal, but said he
wanted to “balance” the populism of the old PLN with some of
the economic philosophy of the right.
According
to a poll conducted in April, 2005, the greatest national problem
in Costa Rica was considered to be the high cost of living,
coupled with inadequate income to cover basic necessities. Other
problems included inflation, public corruption, CAFTA-DR, and the
growing lack of public security. Political analysts also pointed
to a publicly perceived lack of direction and decision-making in
the government. These issues and attitudes were reflected in the
political changes of 2006, and they will emerge again in the
upcoming years of policy-making with the new Arias administration,
as well as in future elections.
This analysis was prepared by COHA Senior
Research Fellow Frank Kendrick, Ph.D.
The Council on Hemispheric Affairs, founded
in 1975, is an independent, non-profit, non-partisan, tax-exempt
research and information organization. It has been described on
the Senate floor as being “one of the nation’s most respected
bodies of scholars and policy makers.” For more information,
please see our web page at www.coha.org; or contact our Washington
offices by phone (202) 223-4975, fax (202) 223-4979, or email coha@coha.org.
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Costa
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